The 2024 study “Peace Education and Conflict Prevention in Somalia” by Abdiwahid Hussein Mohamed is situated within one of the world’s most complex and protracted crises. To fully appreciate the study’s findings and the urgency of its recommendations, one must first grasp the socio-political landscape of Somalia—a nation defined by decades of conflict, state fragmentation, and the subsequent collapse of its core social institutions, most notably its education system. The analysis presented in the paper argues that peace education is not merely a desirable policy goal but a critical intervention necessary to break a devastating, multi-generational cycle of violence.
The Legacy of Protracted Civil War
The starting point for any analysis of contemporary Somalia is the collapse of the central government in 1991, which plunged the country into over three decades of civil war. The paper underscores the “devastating effects on the social sector of the economy,” with the educational system suffering a near-total obliteration. This was not a passive decline but an active destruction of the infrastructure that underpins a peaceful society. Schools, universities, and other tertiary institutions were destroyed, leaving a vacuum in their wake. The most tragic consequence of this institutional collapse has been its impact on Somali youth. Generations of children and students, who should have been learners, were instead transformed into “child soldiers, pirates and warlords”. This has resulted in a society where a significant portion of the youth has
“limited access to education and the basic needs that can facilitate their education and can improve the condition of their lives”.
This context reveals a devastating feedback loop. The initial conflict destroyed the educational system, depriving youth of opportunity and hope. This educational vacuum, in turn, became a primary driver of the conflict’s continuation. Lacking access to schools and viable economic futures, young people became highly vulnerable to recruitment by militias, extremist groups like Al-Shabaab, and criminal enterprises. The actions of these groups perpetuate the violence and instability, which further prevents the rebuilding of a functional, centralized education system. Therefore, the consequence of the conflict—a broken education system—has become a core mechanism for its perpetuation. This transforms educational reform from a simple post-conflict recovery task into a central and non-negotiable pillar of any viable strategy for sustainable peace.
A “Regional Security Complex”: Interlocking Crises
The paper frames Somalia’s predicament using Healy’s (2008) concept of a “regional security complex,” a region “distinguished by the prevalence and persistence of armed conflict” where the problems of each country are deeply intertwined. This framework helps to understand that Somalia’s instability is not an isolated phenomenon but is sustained by a web of interlocking crises that create formidable barriers to peacebuilding and educational reform.
● Weak Governance and State Failure: A primary challenge is the “lack of a centralized government and weak state institutions”. Citing a United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) report, the paper notes that this absence of a functioning state has led to a “proliferation of armed groups and militias,” which makes the systematic, nationwide implementation of any cohesive policy, let alone a national curriculum, extraordinarily difficult.
● Pervasive Economic Precarity: The cycle of violence is exacerbated by extreme poverty. A World Bank study highlighted in the paper found that over two-thirds of the Somali population lives on less than $2 a day. This profound “economic insecurity makes it challenging to engage communities in peacebuilding activities” and renders individuals, particularly youth, “more susceptible to recruitment by armed groups” who can offer some form of livelihood or security.
● Clan Dynamics and Resource Competition: Deep-seated social fissures further complicate the conflict landscape. The paper points to “ongoing clan-based conflicts and competition over scarce resources” as a major impediment to building the trust and cooperation necessary for peace. Referencing the International Crisis Group, it stresses the need for “conflict-sensitive approaches to peace education” that can navigate the complex clan dynamics and historical grievances that fuel violence.
● Gender-Based Violence (GBV): The societal breakdown is also reflected in the high prevalence of gender-based violence. A report by Amnesty International highlights widespread harassment and insecurity faced by women and girls. This is presented not only as a grave human rights crisis but also as a structural barrier to peace. It actively “perpetuates cycles of violence” within society and systematically hinders the participation of women—a crucial demographic for any successful peacebuilding initiative. These interconnected factors underscore both the immense challenge and the profound urgency of implementing peace education. The very conditions that make it most necessary—state collapse, poverty, and social fragmentation—are the same conditions that make it hardest to achieve.
The Core Dilemma: A Fractured Educational Landscape and the “Borrowed Curriculum”
At the heart of Mohamed’s study is a stark and troubling argument: the current educational framework in Somalia is not merely failing to be a part of the solution; it is an active and significant part of the problem. The paper provides compelling evidence, drawn directly from educators on the ground, that the fragmented and decontextualized nature of the country’s education system is failing to build peace and may even be undermining national cohesion. The primary symptom and mechanism of this failure is what participants refer to as the “borrowed curriculum”.
The Obliterated National Curriculum
The decades of civil war led to the complete “obliteration” of the pre-war Somali national curriculum. As the study notes, the curriculum that existed before 1991 “has not been updated or printed,” creating an educational void. In the absence of a functioning central government capable of developing and disseminating a unified educational program, this void was filled in a chaotic and ad-hoc manner by non-governmental organizations and private individuals who took over the provision of education. This historical reality is the root cause of the deeply fractured and incoherent educational landscape that exists today.
The “Borrowed Curriculum” as a Locus of Conflict
The study’s participants—from high-ranking ministry officials to school principals and classroom teachers—are unanimous and vehement in their condemnation of the curricula that have filled this void. These are described as “curricula borrowed from other countries such as UAE, Sudan, Saudi Arabia” , with other participants also citing materials from Kenya, Egypt, and Malaysia.
This has resulted in a system where there is no national standard. As one teacher laments, “Everyone is using a different curriculum. We are not able to have one unified exam for the schools as each school had different curriculum”.
This lack of standardization is more than a logistical inconvenience; it is identified by the educators as a direct contributor to the nation’s problems. The sentiment is captured in a series of powerful statements. One Ministry of Education official asserts that these foreign curricula “do not prevent conflict in Somalia and they are part of the problem”. Another official goes even further, stating bluntly, “Let alone promotion of peace, the current curriculum is the main cause of the conflict in Somalia”. This view is echoed by a teacher who, when asked if the curriculum promotes peace, replies simply, “The current curriculum in Somalia today is part of the problem”.
Decontextualization and Cultural Alienation
The analysis reveals that the “borrowed curriculum” is so profoundly problematic because it fails on two critical fronts: content and context.
First, it is devoid of the necessary substance for peacebuilding. Participants consistently state that the current system “does not have the required contents of peace education that can prevent conflict and promote peace in Somalia”. The concepts are either absent or packaged in vague, general terms like “National Integration” that lack practical, in-depth application. Second, and perhaps more fundamentally, the curriculum is culturally and nationally alienating.
It fails to reflect the lived realities, history, and identity of Somali students. An official from the Ministry of Education notes that it “does not talk about peace or culture. It does not teach the students about their country”. This point is vividly illustrated by a school principal who observes that the curriculum is “not teaching our children about conflict prevention but about Arab countries and cultures not about Somalia and its culture.” The extent of this alienation is captured in his poignant rhetorical question: “If you ask these kids, how many rivers are there in Somalia? They don’t know the answer”.
This decontextualization represents more than a simple educational deficiency; it is a manifestation of state failure with profound implications for national identity. A national curriculum is one of the primary instruments through which a state forges a shared sense of history, civic values, and collective identity. The inability of the Somali state to perform this core function, and the subsequent outsourcing of the socialization of its youth to external influences, is a powerful symbol of its weakness. This process risks creating a generation of young Somalis who are disconnected from their own national heritage. Such a “de-nationalization” can weaken the bonds of social cohesion that transcend clan or regional lines, potentially exacerbating the very divisions that have fueled decades of conflict. The curriculum issue, therefore, is not just about a missing chapter on peace; it is about the potential erosion of the very idea of a unified Somali nationhood.
Voices from the Field: Educator Perceptions on the Promise and Pitfalls of Peace Education
The empirical core of Mohamed’s study rests on in-depth qualitative interviews with ten key informants from the education sector in Mogadishu. This group, comprising three high-ranking officials from the Ministry of Education, three school principals, and four teachers, provides a rich, ground-level perspective on the state of peace education. Despite their different roles and positions within the educational hierarchy, the findings reveal a remarkable and powerful consensus across all three of the study’s specific research objectives. This unanimity underscores a universally recognized crisis and a shared vision for the path forward.
Objective 1: Perceptions of Peace Education
The study’s first objective was to ascertain the perceptions of Somali educators regarding peace education and conflict prevention. The findings show that an “overwhelming majority of over (90%)” of the participants hold a “positive and relevant perception about peace education being the best tool that can be used to prevent conflict in Somalia”. They see its immense potential, with one Ministry official asserting that a topic on peace education in textbooks would “equip our youth with skills necessary for peace-building”.
However, this positive perception of peace education’s potential is starkly contrasted with a deeply negative assessment of its current implementation. The participants’ view is one of a powerful and necessary tool that is being tragically squandered. A social studies teacher observes that while peace education is applicable, “its content lacks in depth” and is often “packaged generally in terms of National Integration, National Unity and Reconciliation,” which prevents meaningful engagement. Another official notes that even a single topic in a textbook is “insufficient to foster peace needed for conflict transformation” given the scale of the country’s challenges. The overarching perception is one of a profound disconnect between the recognized need for peace education and the systemic failure to provide it in a meaningful, contextualized, and effective manner.
Objective 2: The Importance of Peace Education
The second objective was to explore the importance of peace education in the Somali context. Here, the consensus was absolute, with 100% of participants agreeing that it is “vastly important” for conflict prevention. The reasons cited by the educators are multifaceted, touching upon the cognitive, normative, practical, and psychological dimensions of peacebuilding.
- Cognitive and Intellectual Importance: Participants see peace education as essential for providing citizens with critical knowledge. It informs people about the “causes, nature and consequences of violent” conflict and helps them understand the “root causes” of the war, enabling them to make more informed choices about how to resolve disputes.
- Normative and Values-Based Importance: It is seen as a crucial tool for fostering a culture of peace. A principal stated that it “promotes respect for different cultures and help students, learners and citizens appreciate the diversity of human existence”. Another teacher emphasized that it teaches “respect for all forms of life,” inculcating “dignity and self-worth,” “ethical awareness and empathy for others”.
- Skills-Based and Practical Importance: Beyond values, educators stressed the need for practical skills. A teacher explained that peace education “teaches the skills needed to move the country like Somalia out of violence” and provides “concrete skills that will help them become effective peace makers”. This includes learning how to resolve conflicts nonviolently “through negotiations and mediations”.
- Psychological and Affective Importance: In a society ravaged by decades of violence and despair, peace education is seen as a source of hope. One teacher argued that it is crucial for providing youth, who make up over 70% of the population, with a “positive image of the future and give them reasons to have hope”.
- Social and Rehabilitative Importance: Finally, it is seen as a mechanism for healing. One participant noted that education can provide the “structure and methods necessary to rehabilitate children, women and other people who have been traumatized by war,” thereby improving “wellbeing and social cohesion”.
Objective 3: The Relationship between Peace Education and Conflict Prevention
The study’s third objective was to determine the perceived relationship between the two core concepts. Once again, the finding was one of absolute unanimity, with 100% of participants agreeing that a “great relationship” exists. They articulate this relationship as a direct causal chain. One Ministry official explained that education “enlightens the society on many social, economic and political issues,” leading to a transformed society that can “gain peace quickly”. A principal described it as a process of socialization that helps create “productive and peaceful individuals,” which in turn “helps to prevent conflict”. A teacher framed it in terms of empowerment: “Peace education provide to the people relevant knowledge and skills to solve conflict. Hence better peace education leads to quick and smooth conflict prevention”. The absolute consensus across these three objectives, from a diverse sample of educators at different levels of the system, is a remarkably powerful finding. These are not actors who would necessarily share the same perspective on every issue; ministry officials might prioritize policy frameworks, while teachers are concerned with classroom realities. Yet, they converge on an identical diagnosis: the current system is a failure, and robust, contextualized peace education is the necessary remedy. This suggests that the problem is not a matter of internal debate or differing opinion among local stakeholders. It is a universally recognized and deeply felt crisis. For national and international policymakers, this provides a clear and powerful mandate for action, confirming that there is a strong, unified local demand for the very reforms the study recommends. The primary challenge is not convincing local actors of the need for change, but rather overcoming the immense structural, political, and financial barriers to implementing that change.
A Blueprint for Change: A Critical Examination of the Study’s Recommendations
Flowing directly from its diagnosis of systemic failure and the unified call for change from local educators, the study concludes with a comprehensive and pragmatic set of recommendations. This blueprint for change is directed at the Federal Government of Somalia and its Ministry of Education, outlining a multi-pronged strategy to move peace education from an abstract ideal to a concrete reality within the nation’s schools. The recommendations can be grouped into three core pillars of reform: curriculum and pedagogy, institutional frameworks and support, and human capital development.
Pillar 1: Curriculum and Pedagogical Reform
The most fundamental recommendation targets the core problem of the “borrowed curriculum.” The paper calls on the Ministry of Education to “reform and revise the current secondary and primary schools’ curriculum”. This is not a call for minor adjustments but for a complete overhaul to “incorporate peace education with all the required contents which are instrumental in providing in-depth knowledge and skills to prevent conflict in Somalia”.
To ensure this content is taken seriously, the study advocates for a significant structural change in how peace education is positioned within the academic program. It recommends that peace education should be taught as a “stand-alone subject in primary school all through to colleges of higher learning”. Making it an independent, examinable subject would elevate its status to be on par with sciences and humanities, signaling its importance and ensuring it receives dedicated instructional time.
Furthermore, the content of this new curriculum must be deeply contextualized. The paper urges the government to “put more depth and incorporate day to day experiences of dispute resolution and strategies to settle the same”. This practical, hands-on approach, drawing from real-world conflict scenarios within Somalia, would help learners acquire tangible skills and “make peace part and parcel of their development”.
Pillar 2: Institutional Framework and Support
Recognizing that a new curriculum is ineffective without a supportive structure, the study proposes a series of institutional reforms. The Ministry of Education is urged to “review the structure of the peace education programme goals, and its organization in order to bear fruits”. This is a direct response to the finding that the program is currently “unpopular” because its goals and structure are not clearly understood by teachers, students, or parents. The recommendation emphasizes the need for clear short-term and long-term goals to be established from the outset to guide implementation and facilitate measurable learning outcomes.
This institutional commitment must be backed by material resources. The paper calls on the Federal Government, via the Ministry of Education, to “provide sufficient infrastructure and resources required to handle implementation of peace education”. Providing these necessary resources is seen as crucial not only for the program’s logistical success but also to “motivate teachers to spend more time on the subject”.
Finally, to ensure accountability and continuous improvement, the government must “invest on evaluation mechanisms of peace education programme in Somalia”. This would allow for the tracking of progress, the identification of challenges, and the data-driven refinement of the program over time.
Pillar 3: Human Capital Development
The third pillar of the proposed reform focuses on the educators themselves. A curriculum is only as good as the teachers who deliver it. Therefore, the study places a strong emphasis on the need for the Federal Government to “ensure proper and timely training of teachers on peace education”. This training is deemed a priority to ensure that teachers “are competent enough to understand terms and thus are competent enough to disseminate facts coupled with practice to learners”. Building this capacity is the critical link that connects a well-designed curriculum on paper to effective peacebuilding practice in the classroom.
The following table summarizes these key recommendations into an actionable framework, clarifying the proposed actions, responsible entities, and intended outcomes.
Table 1: Summary of Key Recommendations for Peace Education Reform in Somalia
| Recommendation Area | Specific Action | Responsible Entity | Intended Outcome |
| Curriculum Reform | Revise primary and secondary curricula to incorporate in-depth, contextualized peace education content. | Ministry of Education | A curriculum that provides relevant knowledge and skills for conflict prevention and is rooted in Somali culture and experience. |
| Pedagogical Structure | Establish peace education as a standalone, examinable subject from primary school through higher education. | Ministry of Education | Elevation of peace education’s status, ensuring dedicated instructional time and cultivating a culture of peace from a young age. |
| Institutional Goals | Review and clearly define the short-term and long-term goals and organizational structure of the peace education program. | Ministry of Education | Increased program coherence, popularity, and understanding among all stakeholders (teachers, students, parents). |
| Resource Allocation | Provide sufficient infrastructure and material resources to support the implementation of the peace education program. | Federal Government of Somalia, Ministry of Education | Proper program implementation and increased teacher motivation and engagement. |
| Human Capital | Implement proper and timely training programs for teachers on peace education content and pedagogy. | Federal Government of Somalia, Ministry of Education | A competent and confident teaching force capable of effectively delivering peace education. |
| Monitoring & Evaluation | Invest in and establish clear evaluation mechanisms to assess | Ministry of Education | Data-driven program improvement, accountability, and |
| Recommendation Area | Specific Action | Responsible Entity | Intended Outcome |
| the program’s outcomes and impact. | demonstration of effectiveness. |
Concluding Analysis and Implications
The study “Peace Education and Conflict Prevention in Somalia” makes a significant and timely contribution to the discourse on peacebuilding in post-conflict and active-conflict societies. Its primary achievement is the provision of powerful, ground-level qualitative evidence that moves the discussion beyond the abstract importance of peace education to a concrete and damning diagnosis of systemic educational failure in Somalia. By amplifying the authentic voices of local educators, the paper presents an urgent and compelling case that a complete overhaul of the nation’s education system is not an optional, long-term development goal but a foundational and immediate requirement for national survival and sustainable peace.
Methodological Considerations
The strength of the study lies in its qualitative research design. The use of in-depth interviews with key informants from the Mogadishu education sector allowed for the collection of rich, nuanced data that captures the complexities, frustrations, and aspirations of those on the front lines. The researcher’s stated use of “vivo coding”—preserving the exact words of the participants—ensures that their perspectives are presented with authenticity, minimizing researcher bias and allowing the power of their testimony to resonate directly.
However, the study’s methodological choices also present certain limitations that must be acknowledged. The sample size of ten participants, while providing depth, is small. More significantly, the study’s geographic focus is confined to Mogadishu, the capital city. The author rightly justifies this choice by citing the civil conflict, which “makes it difficult to access other areas of the countries”. While understandable, this focus raises critical questions about the generalizability of the findings. Somalia is a politically and socially fragmented country, and the conflict dynamics, educational infrastructure, and cultural contexts in regions like Puntland, Somaliland, or rural areas under the control of various actors may differ substantially from those in the federal capital. The unanimous consensus found in Mogadishu may not hold true elsewhere, a crucial consideration for any nationwide policy.
Broader Implications and Future Research
Despite these limitations, the study’s findings have profound implications for policy, practice, and future academic inquiry.
- For Policy: The paper delivers an unequivocal mandate to the Somali Federal Government and its international partners. The “borrowed curriculum” issue must be treated not as a minor educational matter but as a critical threat to national security and social cohesion. The findings provide the political justification to prioritize comprehensive, domestically-driven educational reform, backed by the necessary financial investment and political will. The unified voice of the local educators provides a strong foundation of local ownership upon which such reforms can be built.
- For Practice: For NGOs, community leaders, and educators working on the ground, the study offers validation and a tool for advocacy. The clear articulation of the curriculum’s failures can be used to lobby for resources and to guide the development of new educational materials that are conflict-sensitive, culturally relevant, and tailored to the specific needs of Somali youth.
- For Research: The study illuminates a clear path for future research. There is a pressing need for comparative studies in other regions of Somalia to test the generalizability of these findings. Quantitative surveys could be employed to measure the prevalence of these perceptions on a larger scale, while longitudinal studies will be essential to evaluate the real-world impact of any new peace education interventions that are implemented based on these recommendations.
Ultimately, the paper reveals a stark and challenging paradox: a profound tension between the passionate, urgent, and clear-sighted desire for change among educators on the front lines, and the immense systemic inertia created by decades of state collapse, political fragmentation, and resource scarcity. The interviews radiate a sense of clarity; the educators know precisely what the problem is and have a coherent vision for the solution. Yet the socio-political context described in the paper—one of weak institutions, pervasive poverty, and armed militias— represents a massive, slow-moving system of dysfunction. The study’s excellent
recommendations, while technically sound, require a level of state capacity, political unity, and financial investment that the paper’s own analysis suggests is severely lacking.
Therefore, the final and most critical implication is that implementing this blueprint for change is not primarily a technical or pedagogical challenge, but a profound political one. It requires not just a ministerial decree, but a fundamental reordering of national priorities and a significant enhancement of governance capacity. Bridging the vast gap between the clear, locally-identified solution and the political and structural ability to implement it remains the central, unresolved challenge for the future of peacebuilding in Somalia.
